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Election 2008 Humor Obama Politics The Opinionsphere

Bartlet’s Advice

President Bartlet speaks to presidential candidate Obama:

Four weeks ago you had the best week of your campaign, followed — granted, inexplicably — by the worst week of your campaign. And you’re still in a statistical dead heat. You’re a 47-year-old black man with a foreign-sounding name who went to Harvard and thinks devotion to your country and lapel pins aren’t the same thing and you’re in a statistical tie with a war hero and a Cinemax heroine. To these aged eyes, Senator, that’s what progress looks like. You guys got four debates. Get out of my house and go back to work.

Categories
Election 2008 McCain Obama Politics

Calm Down!

This front page article in today’s New York Times might as well be called:

Don’t worry so much, Democrats – calm down! It still looks like he’s got this!

Basically, it’s a less funny and more data-driven version of this.

Categories
Election 2008 McCain Obama Political Philosophy Politics

The Difference Between McCain’s Bi-Partisanship and Obama’s Post-Partisanship

[digg-reddit-me]It drives me nuts the way so many otherwise intelligent people seem to accept the fact that bi-partisanship is the answer to our country’s problems. It makes me even more frustrated that John McCain has been able to sell bi-partisanship as a type of reform. Bi-partisanship is neither of these things.

The first thing to make clear is that bi-partisanship is only a tactic. It is not a philosophy. It is not a theory of government. It is a way to get things done. Bi-partisanship is generally used for one of two ends:

  1. To avoid taking action or making a decision on a controversial issue; or
  2. To avoid responsibility for the consequences of an action that needs to be taken or a decision that needs to be made.

Bi-partisanship is sometimes – to paraphrase Churchill’s defense of democracy – the worst influence on government, except for all of the others. On certain issues which have paralyzed the government, bi-partisanship is sometimes the only answer. When paired with a robust federal system – which allows regions and states to pass more specific legislation on contentious issues – it is sometimes the only way to keep a country together. The culture wars of the 1990s involved good examples of issues that fit this criteria – issues such as abortion, gay rights, and gun control. When two roughly equal sides have solidified their positions, based on their lifestyle and their core values, forcing either partisan position onto the public at large becomes political suicide and creates backlash. Thus, the only solution is a bi-partisan mish-mash that accomplishes as little as possible while giving cover to both sides.

On other issues that require action on the part of the government, bi-partisanship is the most politically feasible way to deal with sensitive issues – such as social security, war, climate change, government bail-outs, and immigration. Bi-partisanship is a political necessity with these issues because it allows blame to be diffused for the inevitable negative consequences of dealing with these issues. On these issues, federalism doesn’t work – and federal action must be taken in order to deal with the issue effectively. Both sides generally compromise what they want – and the result is sometimes effective and sometimes not. Generally bi-partisanship of this type is only able to be summoned during a crisis, or on the verge of an immediate crisis.

But even the defenders of bi-partisanship must realize that it is the system of bi-partisanship itself that has propped up many corrupt practices throughout American history – from slavery to segregation to the centralizing of power in Washington to the culture of lobbying. Slavery was not ended until it became a partisan issue. Official segregation was ended on a bi-partisan basis, but that compromise created a partisan backlash that reshaped the party landscape. The final two issues are still supported by a bi-partisan consensus and attacked by members of both parties.

Bi-partisanship – in essence – only acts to protect the status quo. In those rare instances in which it has been used for reform – rather than to shore up and protect the status quo – the bi-partisan consensus has quickly been destroyed as other influences took advantage of the inevitable backlash that accompanies reform.

As described, bi-partisanship is about compromise, getting things done, protecting the status quo, and consenus. Which is why it is so ridiculous to call McCain a bi-partisan figure. There are virtually no issues on which McCain has been bi-partisan. Most of the examples given of McCain’s bi-partisanship instead point to instances in which he became a partisan for the other side.

McCain was not being bi-partisan – he stood against his party and with the Democrats. His positions were not “bi-partisan” – they were examples of a Republican acknowledging his party had the wrong position.

It is also worth noting that the Republican party, on all of these issues that McCain broke with them, had blatantly wrong and unserious positions. Defending torture? Denying global warming despite the widespread consensus of scientists? It certainly takes a measure of courage to stand up to your party, even when it is  clearly wrong, but if you think your party is so clearly wrong on so many issues, why do you remain a member of that party? This was the question that McCain faced in the years after Bush’s initial election – and why he was considered as John Kerry’s running mate and why he considered switching parties.

But something happened on the way to 2008 – and McCain, who had acted as a partisan for the Democratic positions on a number of issues, backed away from these positions and adopted hardline conservative positions – which is what makes his current bragging about bi-partisanship so clever. He is essentially telling conservatives to believe what he says and what the hard-advisers who have surrounded him say and not what he has done in the past; at the same time, he is telling independents and potential Democratic supporters that he has a history of bi-partisanship, and that they should trust that his past actions rather than his current words, advisers, policies, and campaign.

This is all very different than Obama’s post-partisanship. While bi-partisanship is merely a tactic, post-partisanship is a specific approach to governing that calls for bi-partisanship as a tactic to neutralize certain issues while advocating common sense, a focus on the long-term, and an emphasis on “tinkering” to deal with more significant issues.

This term was initially used by conservative Democrats and liberal Republicans in the late 1990s to describe an agenda which consisted of entitlement reform and deficit reduction – perhaps the two greatest accomplishments of the Clinton presidency. The term fell out of use until Gov. Schwarzenegger and Mayor Bloomberg became prominent figures, in a large part by eschewing controversy and culture war issues and focusing on longer-term issues. Obama, though not using the words himself, was seen as a post-partisan figure because his approach to politics was a more progressive take on the Schwarzenegger and Bloomberg approach.

Obama’s post-partisanship calls for a focus on common ground over division on culture war issues – and strives to neutralize them – as Obama attempted to do in his acceptance speech in Denver. Obama sees these issues primarily as distractions from the systematic and strategic long-term challenges America has been avoiding for the past twenty years while engaged in these culture wars. Post-partisanship attempts to synethsize the best points made by the opposition while still taking action. This approach stands in opposition to Clinton’s triangulation which was a political tactic used to accomplish neo-liberal ends. Instead, post-partisanship takes into account the essential ideological critique of the opposition and proposes programs which pragmatically deal with long-term issues.

More than anything else, post-partisanship calls for tinkering – trying new approaches and sticking with what works, no matter the idea’s ideological pedigree:

I’m a Democrat. I’m considered a progressive Democrat. But if a Republican or a Conservative or a libertarian or a free-marketer has a better idea, I am happy to steal ideas from anybody and in that sense I’m agnostic.

Obama’s health care plan is a good example of this agnosticism and post-partisanship. In dealing with a serious, long-term issue, he incorporates markets, avoids coercion, and yet makes a solid attempt at fixing a broken system by tinkering with what we have.

McCain’s “bi-partisanship” has consisted of breaking with his party on a number of issues and siding with Barack Obama and the Democrats – and he deserves credit for that. But Obama’s post-partisanship is actually a strategy that describes how he will govern. That’s the difference.

Categories
Economics Election 2008 McCain Obama Politics The Media Videos

Breaking Through the Fog: Barack Obama’s Plan

The New York Times reported on the struggle Obama is facing trying to break through the media fog that has focused on the small daily controversies the McCain camp keeps feeding the press. From Lipstick on a Pig to questions of patriotism and the never used Logan Act, this is the McCain camp’s deliberate strategy – distract and hope that by the time people start paying attention to the issues, it will be too late.

Given the financial crisis unfolding, and in an attempt to break through this fog, Obama released this simple ad – just two minutes of Obama speaking to the camera.

The Plan he asks you to check out is here.

Excerpts from his original speech on the subject a year ago today is here.

His follow-up speech as the crisis began to deepen this March is here.

My summary of his broad economic agenda is here.

The New York Times’ attempt to understand the underpinning of “Obamanomics” is here.

Some lies being spread about Obama’s tax plan and economic issues are here. The ad McCain released echoing these lies is here.

Categories
Economics Election 2008 Obama Politics

A year ago today…

A year ago today, long-shot candidate Barack Obama gave a speech at Nasdaq calling on Wall Street to support his program to revitalize our economy:

Seventy-five years ago this week, Governor Franklin Delano Roosevelt took his campaign for the presidency to the Commonwealth Club in San Francisco.

It was a time when faith in the American economy was shaken – a time when too many of our leaders clung to the conventional thinking that said all we could do is sit idly by and wish that our problems would go away on their own. But Franklin Roosevelt challenged that cynicism. Amid a crisis of confidence Roosevelt called for a “re-appraisal of values.” He made clear that in this country, our right to live must also include the right to live comfortably; that government must favor no small group at the expense of all its citizens; and that in order for us to prosper as one nation, “…the responsible heads of finance and industry, instead of acting each for himself, must work together to achieve the common end.”

This vision of America would require change that went beyond replacing a failed President. It would require a renewed trust in the market and a renewed spirit of obligation and cooperation between business and workers; between a people and their government. As FDR put it, “Faith in America, faith in our tradition of personal responsibility, faith in our institutions, and faith in ourselves demands that we all recognize the new terms of the old social contract.”

Seventy-five years later, this faith is calling us to act once more…

In recent years, we have seen a dangerous erosion of the rules and principles that have allowed our market to work and our economy to thrive. Instead of thinking about what’s good for America or what’s good for business, a mentality has crept into certain corners of Washington and the business world that says, “what’s good for me is good enough.”

…The quick kill is prized without regard to long-term consequences for the financial system and the economy. And while this may benefit the few who push the envelope as far as it will go, it’s doesn’t benefit America and it doesn’t benefit the market. Just because it makes money doesn’t mean it’s good for business…

In this modern, interconnected economy, there is no dividing line between Main Street and Wall Street. The decisions that are made in New York’s high-rises and hedge funds matter and have consequences for millions of Americans across the country. And whether those Americans keep their homes or their jobs; whether they can spend with confidence and avoid falling into debt – that matters and has consequences for the entire market.

We all have a stake in each other’s success. We all have a stake in ensuring that the market is efficient and transparent; that it inspires trust and confidence; that it rewards those who are truly successful instead of those who are just successful at gaming the system. Because if the last few months have taught us anything, it’s that we can all suffer from the excesses of a few.

[And after outlining his economic agenda, summarized here by me, and in the speech by the Senator – and fleshed out more in this speech several months later.]

I ask for your support for this economic agenda, both in this campaign and if I should get the chance to enact these policies as your President. I will not pretend it will come without cost, but I do believe we can do achieve this in a fiscally responsible way – certainly more so than the current Administration that’s given us deficits as far as the eye can see.

I know some may say it’s anathema to come to Wall Street and call for shared sacrifice so that all Americans can benefit from this new economy of ours. But I believe that all of you are as open and willing to listen as anyone else in America. I believe you care about this country and the future we are leaving to the next generation. I believe your work to be a part of building a stronger, more vibrant, and more just America. I think the problem is that no one has asked you to play a part in the project of American renewal.

I also realize that there are some who will say that achieving all of this is far too difficult. That it is too hard to build consensus. That we are too divided and self-interested to think about the responsibilities we have to each other and to our country. That the times are simply too tough.

But then I am reminded that we have been in tougher times and we have faced far more difficult challenges. And each time we have emerged stronger, more united, and more prosperous than the last. It is faith in the American ideal that carries us through, as well as the belief that was voiced by Franklin Roosevelt all those years ago this week: “Failure is not an American habit; and in the strength of great hope we must all shoulder our common load.” That is the strength and the hope we seek both today – and in all the days and months to come.

At this time last year, John McCain wasn’t talking about economics, despite the growing sense of a forthcoming crisis on Wall Street. He was talking about Iraq – predicting that the troops would be home soon. His only mention of economics during this week last year that I have been able to find was in discussing Iraq.

Categories
Election 2008 Foreign Policy Iraq Obama Politics The Opinionsphere

Did Obama violate the Logan Act?

My sister just texted me to ask if Obama had violated the Logan Act – a law that forbids unauthorized citizens from negotiating with foreign governments. This apparently is the I’m sure this question is a result of this story by the infamous Amir Taheri. Even Jonah Goldberg of the National Review in his post on the matter concedes:

If memory serves, Taheri hasn’t always panned out…

This I suppose is Goldberg’s way of saying that he will fan the flames if it hurts Obama whether Taheri’s “reporting” is true or not. Most famously, Taheri recently claimed that the government of Iran was forcing Jews to wear yellow stars a la Nazi Germany. He refused to retract the story although the publisher of the story later issued an apology.

I don’t see an official response from the campaign yet on this issue, but I will post it as soon as I get it.

I’m sure it’s forthcoming as the McCain camp has issued an official response fanning these flames – saying that even the possibility that Obama may have violated the Logan act was “unprecedented.” Of course, McCain has been accused in the past of violating the Logan Act on a number of occasions – with regards to Georgia and Columbia; and the right has accused Nancy Pelosi of violating the Logan Act as well.

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Election 2008 McCain Obama Politics

A Pro-Obama, Anti-McCain Email

I’m attempting to put together a pro-Obama, anti-McCain viral email. I have about 50 topics listed and I’m in the process of whittling them down and organizing them in a fashion. It’s directly inspired by this smear email debunked by Snopes. Here’s a taste of my attempt, which is based on the theory expressed by the philosopher Stephen Colbert that “reality has a well-known liberal bias”:

McCain called the media his “base.”

Actually true.

The media is “in the tank for Obama.”

Not exactly. The only study I’ve found about this is from July of this year and concludes that though the big TV networks (which were the only media studied) paid far more attention to Barack Obama than John McCain, they were tougher on Obama than McCain.

The media’s feeding frenzy over Sarah Palin was an unprecedented attack on a candidate for public office.

Not exactly. Does anyone remember the media frenzy surrounding Rev. Wright? Remember that infamous debate moderated by Charlie Gibson in which half the debate was about various smears? It took that debate and Obama’s nuanced race speech to “lance the boil.” Palin, so far, isn’t commenting all that much on these matters.

Obama’s campaign has been just as untruthful as McCain’s.

Not exactly. While both sides have stretched the truth, McCain’s campaign has told
Obama said several times that McCain wants to “continue a war in Iraq perhaps as long as 100 years.”

Not exactly. McCain has said that he’s willing to keep troops in Iraq for as much as 100 years, but he doesn’t anticipate them fighting the whole time, and he’s started talking about drawing down troops at some point in the unspecified future. Obama has stopped using this line of attack.

One of McCain’s closest friends and advisers who wrote McCain’s economic plan and who McCain said he would rely on and was expected to be Treasury Secretary, Phil Gramm, said “This is a mental recession…We sort of become a nation of whiners.

Actually True. After Gramm said this, McCain ditched him though, and McCain distanced himself from the comments, although he kept Gramm’s plans in place.

Joe Biden claimed that McCain has “hired to run this campaign” “the very people” who smeared McCain in the infamous 2000 primary in South Carolina against Bush.

Actually True. Or at least McCain has hired some of them. ABC News reported that McCain hired Tucker Eskew who was one of the people in Bush’s camp that McCain held responsible for the vicious campaign in South Carolina that derailed his campaign in 2000. Also, in 2007, he hired the same firm, Stevens Reed Curcio & Potholm, that made the Swift Boat ads he criticized in 2004 to work for his campaign.

McCain wants to tax my heath care benefits.

McCain has said in a number of his ads that Obama is going to raise taxes on the middle class.

Not at all. Obama pledged not to raise middle class taxes. Here’s a breakdown of the where McCain’s and Obama’s tax cuts would go:

McCain’s Tax Cuts:
Top 10% of Americans
Above $2.87 million                 -$269,364
$603,403 to $2.87 million           -$45,361
$226,982 to $603,402                 -$7,871
$160,973 to $226,981                 -$4,380
$111,646 to $160,972                 -$2,614
90% of Americans
$66, 355 to $111,645                  -$1,009
$37,596 to $66,345                       -$319
$18,982 to $37,595                       -$113
Up to $18,981                                -$19

Obama’s Tax Cuts:
Top 10% of Americans
Above $2.87 million                 +$701,885
$603,403 to $2.87 million         +$115,975
$226,982 to $603,402                     -$12
$160,973 to $226,981                 -$2,789
$111,646 to $160,972                 -$2,204
90% of Americans
$66, 355 to $111,645                  -$1,290
$37,596 to $66,345                     -$1,042
$18,982 to $37,595                       -$892
Up to $18,981                              -$567

Based on the graph created by the Washington Post to illustrate the analysis done by the Tax Policy Center.

Alan Greenspan said that the country can’t afford John McCain’s tax cuts.

Actually True. Greenspan said he would support the cuts if McCain also cut government spending – which McCain has pledged to do, but hasn’t explained what programs he would cut aside from eliminating earmarks which would account for less than half of a percent of the estimated cost of McCain’s tax cuts.
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Election 2008 McCain Obama Politics Videos

McCain: Without Honor

[digg-reddit-me]Pass it on…

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Election 2008 Obama Politics

Obama: Everyone chill the f*** out, I got this.

From prosebeforehos.

Categories
Economics Election 2008 McCain Obama Politics The Opinionsphere

Brooks and Krugman on the State of the Campaign

The New York Times had two useful columns this morning – one by  Paul Krugman explaining how McCain’s lies about Obama are even worse than Bush’s lies about Kerry or Gore:

[T]he muck being hurled by the McCain campaign is preventing a debate on real issues — on whether the country really wants, for example, to continue the economic policies of the last eight years.

But there’s another answer, which may be even more important: how a politician campaigns tells you a lot about how he or she would govern…

I’m talking…about the relationship between the character of a campaign and that of the administration that follows. Thus, the deceptive and dishonest 2000 Bush-Cheney campaign provided an all-too-revealing preview of things to come. In fact, my early suspicion that we were being misled about the threat from Iraq came from the way the political tactics being used to sell the war resembled the tactics that had earlier been used to sell the Bush tax cuts.

I give Krugman a lot of grief for his attacks on Obama – which resemble small-minded tantrums. But despite these frustrations with Krugman, I have always acknowledged he can be quite effective. He is simply a polemicist – and he will force the facts to fit into his pre-conceived arguments (except perhaps on economics where he is more subtle.) But when the facts happen to fit his pre-conceived arguments well – then his columns are a thing of beauty, like this past one, making a very important point.

David Brooks, conservative, writes the other column worth reading today. He attempts to explain the next steps the Republican party has to take in order to seriously address the major issues facing the nation:

If there’s a thread running through the gravest current concerns, it is that people lack a secure environment in which they can lead their lives. Wild swings in global capital and energy markets buffet family budgets. Nobody is sure the health care system will be there when they need it. National productivity gains don’t seem to alleviate economic anxiety. Inequality strains national cohesion. In many communities, social norms do not encourage academic achievement, decent values or family stability. These problems straining the social fabric aren’t directly addressed by maximizing individual freedom.

And yet locked in the old framework, the Republican Party [has a] knee-jerk response…

The irony, of course, is that, in pre-Goldwater days, conservatives were incredibly sophisticated about the value of networks, institutions and invisible social bonds. You don’t have to go back to Edmund Burke and Adam Smith (though it helps) to find conservatives who understood that people are socially embedded creatures and that government has a role (though not a dominant one) in nurturing the institutions in which they are embedded.

Brooks is describing here Barack Obama’s economic plans. Although I think he still is prejudiced enough against liberals and Democrats – assuming they will act irresponsibly if they are in power – that he cannot support Obama. And he seems to have a very positive feeling towards McCain that will lead him to hope that McCain will adopt Obama’s economic plan with a slightly more conservative tilt – despite what McCain is promising now – rather than to back the man with the plan he agrees with.

But despite this, it is because he writes columns like this that I truly look to David Brooks as an almost independent-minded thinker – even if he still remains tethered to the Republican party.